The international adoption of South Korean children was triggered by victims of the Korean War after 1953. The initiative was adopted by religious organizations in the United States, Australia, and many Western European countries, and eventually evolved into various sustainable adoption apparatus as a socially integrated system.
Video International adoption of South Korean children
Korean War and Holt
Korean War
A 1988 original article in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy says that less than one percent of people adopted by Korea are now Amerasian, but the majority of Koreans adopted for a decade after the Korean War were Amerias people who fathered American soldiers.
The first wave of people adopted from Korea came from mixed race children whose families live in poverty; the children's parents are often American military and Korean women.
A 2015 article on Public Radio International says that Arissa Oh who wrote a book about the beginning of international adoption says that, " Korea has a racial purity myth: they want to get rid of these children.Initially international adoption should be a race-based evacuation. "
Holt
Early adoption in South Korea is usually credited to Harry Holt in 1955. Harry Holt wanted to help South Korean children, so Holt adopted eight children from South Korea and brought them home. Partly because of the response Holt got after adopting these eight children from national press coverage, Holt created Holt International Children's Services, a US-based adoption agency specializing in Korean children.
Touched by the fate of orphaned children, Western religious groups and other associations began the process of placing children in homes in the United States and Europe. Adoption from South Korea began in 1955 when Bertha and Harry Holt went to Korea and adopted eight orphans of war after passing the law through Congress. Their work resulted in the establishment of the International Children's Service. The first Korean babies sent to Europe went to Sweden through the Social Welfare Society in the mid-1960s. By the end of the decade, Holt International Children's Services began sending Korean orphans to Norway, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Switzerland and Germany.
Maps International adoption of South Korean children
Korean Korean domestic adoption
A 2015 article, saying that the South Korean government is trying to have more domestic adoption because, in part, to people around the world are becoming aware of the multitude of Korean adoptions adopted by families outside South Korea since the mid-1950s. Because the South Korean government does not want to have a reputation as a "baby exporting country", and, owing to the belief that Korea should be brought up with Korean culture, the South Korean government has sought to improve domestic adoption. However, this has been less successful for decades. The numbers are only taken after 2007.
However, the number of domestic adoptions falls in 2013 due to strict restrictions on eligibility for Adoptive Parents. However, the number of infants also increases with the forced enrollment of babies, as well as new laws, which lead to more abandonment.
The main reason in 2015 to largely surrender in South Korea is that single mothers are still humiliated in Korea, and South Korean mothers who gave their children to adoption were mostly middle-class women or workers since the 1990s. The amount of money a single mother can receive in the country is 70,000 won per month, only after proving poverty versus tax relief from domestic adoption is 150,000 won per month, which is unconditional, while it depends on the single mother case. 33 facilities for single and divorced mothers, but mostly run by orphanages and adoption agencies.
In a 2009 article, Stephen C. Morrison, a Korean adopted son, said that he wants more Korean people to adopt Korean children. Morrison said that he felt Korean practice of adopting Korean children in secret is the biggest obstacle to Korean acceptance of domestic adoption. Morrison also said that in order for Korean adoption within the country to be accepted by Koreans, he felt that the attitude of Koreans should change, so that Koreans show respect to the people adopted by Korea, not to speak of the people adopted by Korea as "exported goods" and not referring to the Korean adopted person using Morrison's unpleasant expression, "something taken from under the bridge". Morrison said that he feels that the South Korean government should raise the permissible age in which Korean parents can adopt Korean orphans and increase the permissible age in which Korean orphans can be adopted by Korean parents, as both these changes will allow for adoption domestic.
Even in its capacity as a global economy and the OECD country, Korea still sends children abroad for international adoption. The proportion of children who leave Korea for adoption is about 1% of live births over several years during the 1980s (Kane, 1993); today, even with a large decline in Korean birth rates below 1.2 children per woman and an increasingly wealthy economy, about 0.5% (1 in 200) Korean children are still being shipped to other countries every year.
A 2005 opinion article in The Chosun Ilbo said that South Korean actress Shin Ae-ra and South Korean actor Cha In-Pyo openly adopted a Korean princess after having a biological son together, and the article said that by publicly adopting a child this Korean orphan. The couple could cause other Koreans to change their views on domestic adoption in South Korea.
Quotas for overseas adoption
To stem the number of adoptions abroad, the South Korean government introduced a quota system for foreign adoption in 1987. And under the system, the state reduced the number of children allowed for overseas adoption by 3 to 5% annually, from about 8,000 in 1987-2.057 in 1997. The objective of the plan was to completely eliminate foreign adoption by 2015. But in 1998 the interim government lifted restrictions, after the number of abandoned children rose sharply amid rising economic hardships.
Notable is the focused efforts of the South Korean government 2009 to seize the international adoption of South Korea, with the establishment of KCare and the Adoption Act of Domestic Adoption.
Providing incentives for domestic adoption
A 1997 article in The Christian Science Monitor says that South Korea provides incentives in the form of housing, medical and education subsidies for Korean couples who adopt Korean orphans to help encourage domestic adoption, but Korean couples in South Korea who adopt tend not to use this subsidy , because they do not want other Korean citizens to know that their children are not their biological children.
Special Adoption Act
An 2013 article on CNN says that Jane Jeong Trenka who is a Korean adoption along with others comes with a Special Adoption Act. The article said that Special Adoption Law would make it a mother who gave birth to live with their child for seven days before giving up for adoption. The article says that Special Adoption Laws will make it so that maternal approval must be verified before the release of their child, and the article says that the Special Adoption Act will make it so that the child's birth is registered. The article says that Special Adoption Law will also make it so that the biological mother can withdraw her release up to six months after her request. The article says that Steve Choi Morrison who is a Korean adoption and founder of Mission to Promote Adoption in Korea (MPAK) is battling the Special Adoption Act. The article said that Morrison opposed the Special Adoption Act because Morrison said that Korean culture is a culture in which saving face is important. The article said that Morrison said that Korean biological mother would fear birth records become known, and men will not marry them afterwards. The article said that Morrison predicted that forcing a Korean-born mother to register a birth would lead to a waiver.
A 2015 article in the Washington International Law Journal suggests that the Special Adoption Act may be a factor in more babies being abandoned following the enactment of the Special Rapporteur Act on 5 August 2012.
Revision of Special Adoption Act
The Special Changed Adoption Law enacted in South Korea in 2012 makes domestic adoption in South Korea recorded as a biological child of Korean adoptive parents.
A 2014 article in NPR says that the Special Changed Adoption Act does not make Korean children's adoption equal to adding blood relatives in the minds of Koreans regardless of how domestic Korean adoption will now be considered for legal purposes.
Media coverage of adoption
South Korean media coverage
In 1988, when South Korea hosted the 1988 Summer Olympics, the adoption of international South Korean children became the focus of global attention, and the issue became a source of national humiliation for South Korea. Politicians claim that they will try to stop "child export", so they set a desired end date and quota for international adoption. However, the quota has been exceeded several times, and the end date in question has been renewed several times.
It was not until the 1980s and early 1990s that South Korean and South Korean governments, both in South Korea and in the diaspora, paid significant attention to the fate of Korean scholars. The nation is not ready for the return of their 'lost children'. But many adults adopted by Koreans who visit Korea as tourists every year, in addition to raising public awareness about the Korean adopters' diaspora, force Korea to confront the embarrassing and largely unknown parts of their history. South Korean President Kim Dae-jung invited 29 adults who were adopted Korea from 8 countries to a private meeting at the Blue House in October 1998. During this meeting he openly apologized for South Korea's inability to raise them.
Since then, South Korean media has been reporting issues of international adoption more frequently. Most Korean adopters have taken citizenship from their adopted countries and no longer have Korean passports. Previously they had to get visas like other foreigners if they wanted to visit or live in South Korea. It only adds to the feeling that they are 'not really South Korea'. In May 1999, a group of Korean-adopted people living in Korea began collecting signatures to gain recognition and acceptance of the law (Schuhmacher, 1999). Currently (2009) Korea's long-term adopted population in South Korea (especially Seoul) is estimated at around 500. It is not impossible that this number will increase in the next decade (South Korea's international adoption peaked in the middle of this year). 1980s). A report from Global Overseas Adoptees' Link (G.O.A.L) shows that long-term migrants (over a year) are dominated in their early twenties or early thirties.
One of the factors that helped make the subject of Korean-adopted people a part of the South Korean discourse is a 1991 film entitled Susanne Brink's Arirang which is a movie about the life story of a Korean adopted son who grew up in Sweden. The film makes the subject of adoption of Korean children a hot topic in South Korea, and it makes South Koreans feel shy and guilty about the issue.
A 1997 article in The Christian Science Monitor says Korea in South Korea often believes that adoptive families in other countries have a hidden motive for adopting Korean orphans because of Korean beliefs that parents can not love a child who is not their biological child.
North Korean media coverage
A 1988 article originally in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy said that the director general of the South Korean Family Affairs Bureau at the Ministry of Health and Social said that a large number of international adoptions out of South Korea have become an issue used as part of North Korean propaganda against South Korea in the 1970s. As part of North Korea's propaganda against South Korea in the 1970s, North Korea denounced a large number of South Korean children's international adoption, and North Korea denounced what is considered South Korean practice to sell South Korean children. The Director General of South Korea wants to reduce the number of internationally adopted South Korean children, so North Korea no longer has problems to use for propaganda against South Korea. The news article also said that North Korea does not allow couples in other countries to adopt North Korean children.
The 1988 article was authorized by The People's Korea, a pro-North Korean magazine, and the resulting publication caused South Korea to have an image in North Korea as the world's number one exporter of children: The Pyongyang Times, North Korean newspaper, printed: "Korean traitors South, old hands in betrayal, sell thousands, tens of thousands of children will be ragged and hungry for foreign robbers under the name of 'adopted children'. "
Korean adoption camps
Camp adopter Holt
Holt's adoption camps are places where transracial and/or international adoption can speak of feelings of unsuit and isolation in a safe space. Every day there are group discussions on issues of identity, adoption and questions about races that last about an hour. Camp location is Corbett, Oregon; Williams Bay, Wisconsin; Ashland, Nebraska and Sussex, New Jersey.
Camp Moo Gung Hwa
Camp Moo Gung Hwa is a Korean cultural camp for people adopted in Korea in Raleigh, North Carolina. The camp was first started in 1995 under the name Camp Hodori, and the camp was renamed Kamp Moo Gung Hwa in 1996. The purpose of the camp is to enhance Korean academic knowledge of Korean culture and increase their self-esteem.
Korean Language Adoption Means Pride
Korean Language Adoption means Pride (CAMP) is a camp in Dayton, Iowa for people adopted by Korea and their families. The camp exposes camp attendees to Korean culture. The Korean cultural class includes Korean cuisine, Korean dance, Korean language, taekwondo, and Korean arts and crafts.
Adoption returning to South Korea
Adoption to visit South Korea
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, most adults adopted in Korea felt that younger people in Korea should visit South Korea, 57% of 167 adults adopted by Koreans reported that they had visited South Korea and 38% of the 167 adults adopted Koreans reportedly visited South Korea as a means to explore their Korean heritage.
Eleana J. Kim who is Assistant Professor of Anthropology as the University of Rochester says that South Korea is developing a program for adults adopted by Korea to return to South Korea and learn about what it means to be Korean. Kim said that one of these programs uses hanboks, and Kim says that one of these programs is learning how to make kimchi.
Adoption to stay in South Korea
When the Korean Adoptees International changed to maturity, many of them chose to return. These countries include Sweden, USA, Netherlands, France, Belgium etc. In this case the so-called re-Koreanization of people adopted by Korea is often reproduced in popular South Korean media (eg blockbuster 'Kuk'ka Taep' yo/National Representative/Take Off). The 're-Koreanization can be reflected in Korean ethnic-based nationalism (both North and South 38th parallel).
The 2005 article on Hyphen: Asian America Unabridged says more and more people are being adopted to move back to live in South Korea to try to help others adopted by Korea, and say that many of these returning Korean people are very critical of South Korea's adoption system. The article said that a man who returned the Korean adoption, for example, made a confrontational exhibition in which he posted a photo of 3,000 people adopted by Korea in the three largest South Korean cities in the hope that South Korea will see these photos and the question of why South Korea is still sending many Korean children abroad as adopted ones. The article said that an adopted Korean resident made a South Korea-based organization called Adoptee Solidarity Korea (ASK) to end South Korean orphans' international adoption, and the article said that ASK is intended to achieve this goal by "preventing teenage pregnancies through sex." education, monitoring of orphanages and care, promoting domestic adoption and expanding the welfare program for single mothers. "The article says that other Korean adopted people who returned to live in South Korea are doing volunteer work in an orphanage.
The article goes on to say the Korean-adopted people who reside in South Korea choose to use the Korean name, their adoption name or a combination of both while living in South Korea. The article said that people who were re-adopted said that they chose to use a combination of both names to show their status as adopted Koreans. The article said that other Korean returnees chose to use the Korean name, but the name they decided to leave was a name of their own choosing instead of the Korean name originally given to them by their orphanage when they were an orphan. The article says that other Korean returnees decided to use their real Korean name on their adopted Belgium name, because their Belgian names are hard to pronounce others.
The article also claims that people adopted by Koreans who return to live in South Korea from the United States generally have higher paid jobs in South Korea that involve speaking English and teaching while Korean adopted people who reside in South Korea from the country - European countries that use other languages ​​in general. engaged in low-paying jobs in restaurants, bars and shops while living in South Korea.
In 2010, the South Korean Government legalized dual citizenship for people adopted by Korea, and this law is in force in 2011.
Adoption deported to South Korea
A 2016 article in The Guardian said that the South Korean government has a record of 10 people adopted from Korea deported from the United States to South Korea.
A 2016 article in The Nation illustrates the story of a recipient in Korea who does not have US Citizens deported to South Korea from the United States for committing crimes in the United States.
A 2017 article in the New York Times about a Korean deportee who was deported and looking for life in South Korea, the article provides an overview of the life that returned Korean adopted people and the difficulties they face.
Korean patrilineal blood culture
A 1988 article originally in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy says that South Korean culture is a patrilineal culture that places the importance of blood-related families. The importance of family lineage is the reason why Koreans do not want to adopt Korean orphans, because people adopted in Korea will not be close relatives of their adoptive parents. Korean patrilineal culture is the reason Korean society stigmatize and discriminate against unmarried Korean mothers and their children, so unmarried mothers may not be able to get a job or get a husband.
2007 submission by Sue-Je Lee Gage for partial fulfillment of Ph.D. at the Department of Anthropology at Indiana University said that, in the Korean patrilineal blood culture, Koreanness is inherited from parent to child as long as the parents have "pure" Korean blood, and the removal of Korea is especially important when Korean father gives it "Pure" Korean blood to his Korean child , making the lineage along the father line is very important in Korean race and identity concept. Gage said that the history of Korean family lineage is an official recording of their blood purity. Because of this conceptual identity along the bloodline and race, Gage says that Korea in South Korea considers Koreans who are adopted back to South Korea are still Korean although they can not speak Korean. Gage said that, for Korea, the physical appearance of Korea is the most important consideration when identifying others as Koreans, although the physical appearance of Korea is not the only consideration that Korea uses in its consideration for group membership as a fellow Korean. For example, Gage says that Korean women who have sex with non-Korean men are often not considered "Koreans" in the sense of "full" by Koreans.
The Journal of Korean Studies in the fall of 2012 says that anthropologist Elise Prebin said that Korea's adoption reunion could be safer and more easily maintained along patrilineal lines than on matrilineal lines in her study of Korean reunion adoption with family of births. The journal says that " Korean patrilineal kinship ideology " still has a strong social influence in South Korea.
A 2014 article in the NPR says that unmarried mothers suffer from social stigma in South Korea, as having an illegitimate child is an act contrary to Korean patrilineal lineage culture. The 2014 news article also says that Korean-adopted people suffer from social stigma in South Korea, because people adopted by Koreans have been "cut off from their lineage".
A 2015 news article says that there is still a strong social stigma against unmarried mothers and illegitimate children in South Korea. The 2015 news article says that this social stigma applies to unmarried mothers and even illegitimate children and their entire extended family, causing a child born out of wedlock to suffer lowered the prospect of marriage, employment and education in South Korea.
A 2015 article in The Economist says that Koreans in South Korea mostly adopt Korean daughters to avoid problems involving ancestral family rituals that are usually performed by offspring and to avoid problems involving inheritance.
Economy
Cost saved by South Korea
A 1988 article originally in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy says that the South Korean government makes fifteen to twenty million dollars per year by adopting Korean orphans by families in other countries. The 1988 news article also said that adoption of Korean orphans out of South Korea has three additional effects: saving the South Korean government the costs of caring for Korean orphans, it eliminates the need for the South Korean government to find out what the South Korean government should do. do with orphans and it lowers the population.
Some academics and researchers claim that the system for Korea's orphan adoption agency has guaranteed the availability of healthy children's stocks (Dobbs 2009). Supporters of the system claim that adoption agencies only care for babies that will become homeless or institutionalized.
Korean adoption agencies support the homes of pregnant women; three of the four agencies run their own. One institution has its own maternity hospital and does its own delivery. All four provide and subsidize childcare. All mothers pay monthly allowances to care for babies, and agents provide all food, clothing and other supplies for free. They also support independent or self-managed or self-managed orphanages. Agencies will bear the costs of childbirth and medical care for women who submit their babies for adoption. (Rothschild, The Progressive, 1988; Schwekendiek, 2012).
A 2011 article at the Institute for Policy Studies estimates each adoption fee of US $ 15k, paid primarily by adopting parents. This generates an estimated US $ 35 million/year to cover up care, medical care, and other expenses for ~ 2,300 international Korean adoptions.
South Korean social welfare
In a 2010 book, Kim Rasmussen said that the "main cause" of adoption from South Korea in 2010 was the lack of South Korean spending on its social welfare system. Rasmussen said that the other OECD-30 countries spend on average 20.6% of their GDP for social welfare benefits while South Korea spends only 6.9% of its GDP on social welfare benefits. Rasmussen said that South Korea promoting domestic adoption would not discuss the core issues and that South Korea should increase its spending for social welfare benefits.
Mother and orphan
biological mother
In a 1988 article originally in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy, a South Korean orphanage director said that according to the orphanage data, 90% of Korean-born mothers indicated that they wanted to take care of their biological child and not give up for adoption, but the director the South Korean orphanage said that only 10% of mothers who were born finally decided to take care of their biological children after the orphanage was suggested to mothers who gave birth to unmarried mothers and needy couples to give their children for adoption. The 1988 news article said that Korean-born mothers feel guilty after giving their children for adoption, and said that most Korean-born mothers who gave their children for adoption were poor and worked in factories or administrative jobs in South Korea.
In the same article in 1988, an INS officer at the United States Embassy, ​​Seoul, said that social workers were employed by adoption agencies to perform a "handyman" role to convince South Korean mothers to give their children for adoption. Although the officer said that he felt that adoption business might be a good thing for the mother who gave birth, adoptive parents and adopted people, he said that adoption business bothered him because of the large number of children adopted from South Korea every month.. INS officials said that these figures should make people question how much the international adoption of South Korean children is the cause of humanity and how much business it is.
Orphans
A 2014 article at NPR said it was "effective" "impossible" for Korean orphaned children aged 18 years to attend universities in South Korea due to lack of money to pay all related costs, so most Children Korean orphans finally get low-paying jobs at South Korean factories after aging outside the institution. The 2014 news article says that many Korean parents in South Korea refuse to allow their children to marry Korean orphans.
A 2015 article says that the majority of South Korean orphans are orphaned at a young age, and the 2015 article says that the majority of South Korean orphans at the end of the age get out of the orphanage when they are 18 years old have never been adopted.
A 2015 article in The Economist says that in the last 60 years, two million or about 85% of South Korea's orphan children have grown in South Korean orphanages that have never been adopted. The 2015 article says that from 1950 to 2015 only 4% of the orphans in South Korea have been adopted domestically by other Koreans in South Korea.
A 2015 video by BBC News said that the orphanage in South Korea has become full as a result of the South Korean government making it more difficult for Korean orphans to be adopted overseas.
Baby box
In a video published on March 27, 2014, on the 24th French YouTube channel, Ross Oke who is the international Truth and Reconciliation coordinator for the Korean Adoption Community (TRACK) said that baby boxes like those in South Korea encouraged children's neglect and they deny the rights of the abandoned child to identity.
A 2015 article in the Special Broadcasting Service said that in 2009, South Korean priest Lee Jong-rak placed a "baby box" at his church in Seoul, South Korea, to allow people to leave children anonymously. The article says that since abandoned children have not been officially released, they can not be internationally adopted. The article says that children are likely to stay in an orphanage until they become 18 or 19 years old.
Korea Adoption Service Database
A 2014 article in The Korea Herald said that Korea Adoption Services digitized 35,000 documents on international adoption that have taken place in South Korea since the 1950s to advance Korean adoption efforts to find their biological parents.
A 2017 article in The Hankyoreh says that Seo Jae-song and his wife who used to run the Seonggajeong orphanage in Deokjeokdo and later St. Vincent in Bupyeong District has 1,073 Korean adoption records. By 2016, 1,073 Korean adoption records are scanned by Korean Adoption Services (KAS) and the Ministry of Health and Welfare. By 2016, KAS has 39,000 records from 21 institutions.
Countries adopting Korea
A 2010 book on Korean adoption says that there are Korean adoption groups in big cities residing in areas with many residents who adopted Korea such as in Stockholm, Copenhagen, Oslo, Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam, New York City, Los Angeles, San Francisco , Minneapolis, Seattle, Portland, Chicago, Boston, and Seoul.
Adoption in the United States
An archive webpage from the Consular Bureau's website says that last updated in 2009 said that US couples who want to adopt Korean children need to meet certain requirements. The web page says that couples must be between 25 and 44 years old with a difference of age between couples not more than 15 years, couples should be married for three years, couples must have higher incomes than the US. the national average, and the couple can not have more than five children. The web page says that the US couple must pay a fee between $ 9,500 and $ 10,000 to adopt a Korean child, and the web page says it takes one to four years after applying to adopt Korean children to arrive in the United States. The web page says that waiting time after applying for a US couple who want to adopt is about three years for a healthy Korean kid and a year for a Korean boy with special needs.
A 1988 original article in The Progressive and reprinted in Pound Pup Legacy says that there are 2,000,000 couples who want to adopt children in the United States, but only 20,000 healthy children are available for domestic adoption at United States of America. The 1988 news article says that the lack of children for domestic adoption causes couples in the United States to seek other countries to adopt children, and the fastest increase in adoption of American couples from other countries today is from South Korea.
A 2010 book on Korean adoption says that Korean adopted people comprise about ten percent of the total Korean American population according to estimates in a 2010 book on South Korean adoption. The book says that, in the United States, the majority of people adopted by Korea are adopted close to adoption agencies, so they are largely adopted in the states of Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska, Michigan, Montana, South Dakota, Oregon, Washington, New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Vermont, Utah or Idaho.
Adoption in Sweden
A 2002 article in the Swedish Embassy, ​​Seoul, said that due to the Swedish welfare state of the 1960s, many Swedish families began to adopt Korean children. The article says that Sweden's welfare system allows unmarried Swedish mothers to be more supportive of themselves and not feel the need to give up their children for adoption. The article says that, as a result, there are fewer Swedish orphans in Sweden for domestic adoption, so Swedish families who want to adopt children should adopt it from other countries. The article said that the reason for Korean adoption, in particular, was that some Swedish families had adopted Korea in the 1950s, so the family then continued this trend.
Psychological effects
Perception of who the adopted parent is
In a 2016 study of 16 transnational adult Americans, some Koreans adopted their adoptive parents as their "authentic" parents and some viewed their biological parents as "authentic" parents.
Korean pronunciation
A 2017 article in BBC News says that an article published in the Royal Society of Open Science says that Korean-adopted people who are retrained in Korean can speak Korean better than hope. The Korean-adopted man who was about 30 years old and who was adopted as a baby for a Dutch-speaking family was used in this study. Korean recipients are compared to a group of adults who have never been exposed to Korea as children. After a short training course, recipients in Korea are required to speak Korean consonants for research. Korean scholarship recipients perform better than expectations after the training.
It may have been a whore
In his dissertation for his Ph.D., Sarah Y. Park quoted Kendall (2005) and Kim (2007) when Park said that Korean-adopted women are generally told they may have been prostitutes if they were not adopted from Korea.
Social issues
A 2002 study in The Lancet of people adopted between countries in Sweden with various ethnic backgrounds, mostly from extraction from Korea, Colombia or India (from India), adopted by two parents born in Sweden found that the people adopted between countries have the following. a possible increase relative to the rest of Swedish-born children for two parents who were also born in Sweden: interfaith adoption 3.6% more likely to die of suicide, 3.6% more likely to attempt suicide, 3.2 % are more likely to be treated for psychological disorders, 5.2% more likely to be drug abuse, 2.6% more likely to abuse alcohol and 1.6% more likely to commit crimes.
Abandonment
A 2006 article in New America Media says more and more South Korean parents are paying an elderly American couple to adopt their children in order for their child to receive US education and US citizenship. However, the article says that, according to Peter Chang who leads the Korean Family Center in Los Angeles, Korean children who are prepared to be adopted for the purpose of receiving US education and US citizenship often feel betrayed by their biological parents. The article says that obtaining US citizenship in this way requires adopted children to be adopted before their sixteenth birthday and lives with their adoptive families for at least two years.
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, the majority of adults adopted in Korea struggled with thoughts of how their biological mother could give them for adoption.
A 2012 study in the Journal of Adolescent Research of people adopted in the United States found that white parents of Korean-adopted people who averaged 17.8 years old tend to try to socialize their Korean children adopted into Korean culture with do open acts such as going to a Korean Restaurant or asking them to attend a Korean cultural encampment rather than discussing with them about Korean ethnic identity or being a racial minority in the United States. The study says that for many families this open act is easier and more convenient for them than addressing personal issues of ethnic identity or being a racial minority in the United States.
In a 2005 article, a 38-year-old Korean adoption boy adopted in the United States said social workers told his adoptive parents not to raise him with relations to South Korea, as social workers say that doing so would confuse him. The 2005 article says that adoptive parents no longer try to break with their adopted foster children's culture in 2005, and adoptive parents instead try to introduce their adopted children into the culture of their home country. In 2005, one popular way for adoptive parents to expose their adopted children to the traditions and food of their native country is for them to attend a one-day "cultural camp".
Cross-race effect
A 2005 study at the American Psychological Society of the cross-race effect used Korean adopted people whose average age of 27.8 years was adopted when they were between 3 and 9 years old by the European Caucasus in France and the study also used Korean immigrants recently to France.. The study has participants who briefly view photos of Caucasian or Japanese faces, then the participants should try to recognize the same Caucasian or Japanese face they have just seen from a pair of Caucasian or Japanese faces. The adopted people and the French people can recognize Caucasian faces better than they can recognize Japanese faces, but recent Korean immigrants can recognize Japanese faces better than they can recognize Caucasian faces, suggesting that the effects of cross race can be modified based on familiarity with certain types of faces because experience begins after the age of three.
Implicitly raised as white
C.N. Le, who is a lecturer in the department of sociology at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, said that white-adopted and non-white people generally adopted by white families were raised to implicitly think they were white, but because they were not white, there is a disconnect between the way they are socialized at home and the way people perceive them. Le goes on to say that most white families of non-white people are uncomfortable talking to their adopted children on issues faced by racial minorities in the United States, and Le further advocated a white family that adopts the transracial only introduce their children to Asian culture, informing them that race is unimportant and/or telling them that people should get equal treatment in an inadequate society. Le said that the termination of social relationships between how they were raised and the reality of society led to "confusion, hatred about their situation, and anger" for those adopted adopted by white families.
Many South Korean children are internationally adopted, raised in white, upper or middle-class houses. Initially adoptive families are often told by agents and social workers to assimilate their children and make them as much as possible as part of a new culture, thinking that this will put aside concerns about identity and ethnic origin. Many Korean adopters are growing unaware of other children like them. This has changed in recent years with social services now encouraging parents and using home studies to encourage prospective adoptive parents to learn about the cultural influence of the country. With works like the "Beyond Culture Camp" that encourage the teaching of culture, there has been a great shift. In fact, these materials can be given, not everyone can use it. Also, adoption agencies began allowing the adoption of South Koreans by colored people in the late 1990s to early 2000, and not just whites, including Korean-Americans. An example of this is the rapper GOWE, which Korea adopted into Chinese families.
As a result of many adoptions of international adoption Korea growing in white areas, many of them are adopted to avoid other Asians in childhood and adolescence from unfamiliarity and/or discomfort with Asian cultures. It sometimes reveals the desire to be as white as their family and peers, and deeply identifies with the white community. As a result, meeting South Korean people and Korean culture may be a traumatic experience for some people. However, other Korean adopted people, often who grew up in racial or diverse cultures, grew up with links with the Korean community and identified stronger Korean aspects of their identity.
Adoption of feelings about South Korea
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, a group discussion on the topic of how their feelings about South Korea led to many feelings. There is anger about the negative way Korean people view Korean adopted people. There are concerns about Korean orphan children in South Korean orphanages, and there is a sense of duty to help Korean orphan children living in South Korean orphanages. There is a sense of responsibility for changing Korea's view of domestic adoption, so adopting orphans in South Korea will not be something Korea is embarrassed to do.
Memories of adoptees on orphanage and early adoption
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, there were adopted people who especially remember experiencing poverty as an orphan like the adopted person who remembered eating a lot of oatmeal that had flown in depth as an orphan in South Korea. Some of the adopted people remembered the feeling of losing their relationship with people when they left their South Korean orphanage. Some of the adopted people were reminded of the fear of their new life situation with adoptive parents in a new country when they had just been adopted from South Korea.
Discrimination
Discrimination on adoption
A 2014 article in the NPR says that Korea in South Korea is prejudiced against people adopted by Korea, and news articles 2014 say that Korean adopted people who are adopted domestically by other Koreans in South Korea are often ostracized and abused by other Koreans in school South Korea them.
Discrimination for race and appearance
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, the majority of respondents (70%) reported their race as the reason they were discriminated against in growing up, and a minority of respondents (28%) reported their adoption status as the reason they are discriminated against when growing up. One study respondents said that growing up in a small white town made it a strange thing that few people wanted to connect with, and he said that he wanted to be like someone else rather than be different. Other respondents say that the discrimination they receive grows causing them to reject their Korean heritage.
In a 2010 book, Kim Rasmussen gave an example of a Korean adopted son from the United States who returned to South Korea and tried to apply for an English teacher's job in South Korea only to be denied work because of his race. The adopted Korean man was told that he was denied for the job, because the mothers of the students wanted their children to be taught English from whites.
In a 2015 article in The Straits Times, Korean adopted Simone Huits adopted to a Dutch family in the Netherlands made the following statement about growing up in a small town in the Netherlands, "All children want to touch me because I see it differently. frightening and overwhelming. "
Discrimination for non-Korean speaking
In a 1999 study of 167 adults adopted by Korea by The Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, the majority of respondents (72%) reported that they did not have Korean language skills, and only a small percentage of respondents (25%) reported that they had ability with Korean language. Of the survey respondents who visited South Korea, 22% described their visit as a negative experience, and about 20% described their visit as a negative and positive experience. Korean language disability is cited as the cause of their visit to be a negative experience by more than one respondent, and the inability to speak Korean generally causes a negative part of the visit for respondents who report positive and negative experiences. One respondent said that they felt that Korea in South Korea looked down on them for their inability to speak Korean. Other respondents said that Korea in South Korea initially was good to them, but the respondents said that Korea in South Korea became rude to them after learning that they could not speak Korean. Many people who are adopted feel like strangers while visiting South Korea.
A 2007 book on Korean adoption says that it's uncomfortable for Korean-adopted people who do not speak Korean and who have no Korean last name to mix with Korean-speaking children from Korean immigrants in the school district with children from Korean immigrant families.
Statistics
1999 to 2016 US adopted
From 1999 to 2015, there were 20,058 Koreans adopted by the US family. Of the 20,058 of these children, 12,038 (about 60%) were male and 8,019 (about 40%) were female. Of the 20,058 of these children, 16,474 were adopted when they were less than a year, 3,164 were adopted when they between one and two years and 310 were adopted when they were between the ages of three and four. Of these 20,058 children, 19,222 of them immigrated to the United States using IR-4 Immigrant Immigrant Immigrants, and 836 of them immigrated to the United States using IR-3 Immediate Relative Immigrant Visa.
Adoptee Associations
The first association created for adults adopted by Korea is the Adopterade Koreaners FÃÆ'¶rening founded on November 19, 1986 in Sweden. In 1995, the first Korean adoption conference was held in Germany, and, in 1999, Korean adoption conferences were arranged in the United States and South Korea.
A 2010 book on South Korean adoption estimates that ten percent of Koreans adopted over eighteen are part of an adult-adopted adult association in Korea.
Against international adoption
A 2015 article at The Economist says that Truth and Reconciliation for the Korean Adoption Community (TRACK) is a lobby group of Korean adopted people lobbying against the adoption of South Korea by other countries.
A 2016 book on South Korean adoption says that Adoptee Solidarity Korea (ASK) is a Korean adoption association committed to ending international adoption.
Individual Korean adoption
The works of people adopted in Korea have been well known in art, literature and film making. Other Korean adopters have received celebrity status for other reasons, such as Soon-Yi Previn who married Woody Allen, actress Nicole Bilderback, and Jenna Ushkowitz, model and actress Beckitta Fruit, Washington State Senator Paull Shin, former Slovak rap artist Daniel Hwan Oostra , Kristen Kish from Top Chef - Season 10, make-up artist becomes content creator Claire Marshall, former French minister Fleur Pellerin and professional baseball player Rob Refsnyder. The Movie Twinster 2015 covering the real life life of Korean Adoptees Samantha Futerman and AnaÃÆ'¯s Bordier are separated at birth and reconnected online and meet in real life.
Alessi, Joy
A 2016 article in The Hankyoreh covers Korean adoption story, Joy Alessi. Alessi was admitted to a South Korean orphanage in Munsan on July 20, 1966, one or two days after birth, and she was adopted in the United States through the Holt Child Welfare Association when she was seven months old. Alessi found that he was not a US citizen when he was 25 years after trying to apply for a US passport and could not get it for not being a US citizen. Alessi can finally get a South Korean passport after some difficulties. Alessi had to show a South Korean passport, an adoption document, and describe her situation to get a job, and she got a job as a flight attendant. Alessi returned to South Korea when she was 49 years old, and she tried to find her biological parents in South Korea, but she could not find them.
Audenaerde, Hojung
A 2017 article in Yonhap includes the Korean Hojung Audenaerde adoption story. The article said that Audenaerde was twenty-seven months old when her real father gave her for adoption. Audenaerde was adopted by a Belgian couple who moved to the United States. The adoption agency Audenaerde found his biological father, because the Audenaerde documentation is still intact and correct. Audenaerde communicates with his biological father by exchanging letters that cause Audenaerde to find his partially paralytic mother with whom he had his first meeting in 2014.
Brand name Brandt, Marissa
A 2017 article in The New York Times says that the adoption of Korean Marissa Brandt adopted by an American family is a defenseman in South Korea's national ice hockey team, and the article says that she wore the Korean name, Park Yoon-jung, on her hockey shirt.
Boyer, Pierre Sang
A 2016 video on the Arirang YouTube channel includes a story about Pierre Sang Boyer. The video's narrator says that Boyer is a Korean adopted son who arrived in France when he was seven years old. The narrator says that Boyer started cooking French cuisine when he was sixteen. The narrator says that Boyer is experiencing Korean cuisine on his way back to Korea to discover his legacy. The narrator said that Boyer opened a Korean-style French restaurant in 2012, and the narrator said that Boyer was encouraged to open another restaurant in 2014. The narrator said that Boyer wanted to introduce Korean-style Korean cuisine in Korea.
Burns, Cyndy
A 2016 article on CBS News covers the Korean adoption story of Cyndy Burns who was left in the adoption agency when she was ten months old. Burns grew up in Connecticut. Burns used DNA samples to find his biological mother, Sun Cha, who had lived in the United States, and Burns went to Tacoma, Washington to meet his biological mother.
Clay Clay, Phillip
The 2017 article on The Philadelphia Inquirer includes the Korean adoption of Phillip Clay adopted in 1983 to a couple in Philadelphia when he was 8 years old. Having no US citizenship and having a long criminal record, Clay was deported in 2012 to South Korea. Over the next five years, Clay struggles to speak Korean and establish connections with others who are adopted by Korea. On May 21, 2017, Clay committed suicide by jumping from the 14th floor of a building in Ilsan.
Clement, Thomas Park
Clement, _Thomas_Park "> Clement, Thomas ParkA 2015 article in The Washington Times said that the Korean-adopted race Thomas Park Clement, born in the middle of the Korean War, remembered being abandoned by his biological mother when she was four and a half years after Clement's mother told him to walk. down the road and not turn around. Clement lives on the streets before being admitted to an orphanage. Two years later, Clement was adopted by a family in North Carolina. Clement later received a degree in electrical engineering from Purdue University, and Clement founded Mectra Labs, a medical equipment company, in 1988. Clement did not plan on finding his biological mother.
A 2013 article in The Berkshire Eagle says that Clement 2012's biography is called Dust of the Streets: The Journey of a Biracial Orphan of the Korean War .
A 2016 article in The Seattle Times said that Korean-adopted man Thomas Park Clement founded Mectra Labs, a medical manufacturing company, and said Clement had promised a $ 1,000,000 DNA test kit for donations. Clement has given 2,550 DNA test kits to Korean adopters and Korean War veterans, and he has given 450 DNA testing kits to 325Kamra which is a volunteer organization to give to people in South Korea. Clement said, "I have had so many years of disappointment my colleagues in Korea with relative-birth searches," and Clement said, "DNA ran through the search process and brought all the parties in direct communication with each other. "
A 2015 article on PRI says that Clement pays a DNA kit from 23andMe.
Crapser, Adam
A 2016 article in Q13 Fox says that Immigration Judge John O'Dell chose to deport Adam Crapser, a Korean adopter who is not a US citizen, because of Crapser's criminal record.
A 2016 article in The New York Times includes the story of Kwon Pil-ju, the mother of Korean adoption Adam Crapser. The article said that Kwon gave Crapser for adoption when the Crapser was three years old. Kwon found out about Crapser from a relative who told him about Crapser being in an MBC documentary in 2015. Kwon is associated with the producer of the documentary MBC 2015, and the producer arranges video communications for Kwon and Crapser. Crapser plans to reunite with Kwon after being deported to South Korea.
Davidson, Kyung Eun
A 2016 article in The Korea Herald covers the Korean adoption of Kyung Eun Davidson. The article said that Davidson was a Korean adopted son who surrendered to be adopted when he was three years old by his biological father. Davidson grew up in Oregon after being adopted. Davidson was in Korea from 2005 to 2007 to find his biological mother. Davidson reunited with his biological father in 2007, but after their first reunion, he disappeared. Davidson returned to the United States from Korea in 2007. Davidson's biological father had lied to his biological mother that she had raised her for more than twenty years when in fact she had put her up for adoption. Davidson's biological mother went to Holt in 2008 after Davidson's mother found out about her biological daughter prepared for adoption by Davidson's father. Davidson became aware that his birth mother did not release him for adoption in 2016. Davidson found his biological mother through a DNA match, and Davidson and his biological mother would meet each other in person.
Davis, Amy
Davis,The 2017 article in the Duluth News Tribune includes the Korean adoption story Amy Davis. Davis was adopted in the seventies, and Davis grew up in Cloquet, Minnesota in a mostly white community. Davis's adoptive parents said that Davis had been abandoned, so there was no way to contact Davis-born parents. In 2016, Davis went to Korea to look for his biological parents, and Davis case manager told Davis that his biological aunt had searched for him seven years ago. The Davis case manager initially did not tell Davis the name of his biological aunt, because it was against Korean privacy laws for case managers to tell Davis this information, but the case manager broke the law and told Davis the information. Davis finds his biological aunt, and Davis finds his biological father proven to be his real father through DNA testing. Davis-born parents had split up when Davis was one year old, and Davis-born father had left Davis with his mother (Davis's biological grandmother) while Davis's biological father went to work. Davis has long thought that he was left at the police station, but, in fact, his biological grandmother who had placed him for a diado
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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